Hahn, Villaraigosa Move Toward Center

Two weeks after forging into a runoff for mayor of Los Angeles, former legislator Antonio Villaraigosa and City Atty. James K. Hahn are waging a time-honored struggle of electoral politics: fighting for the ideological center.

The two liberal Democrats believe victory in the June 5 election depends on their ability to appeal to more moderate and conservative voters who mostly went with Republican businessman Steve Soboroff and City Councilman Joel Wachs in the first round of the mayor’s race.

The candidates’ struggle for the middle ground began the day after the April 10 election and has been waged quietly since then, mostly on the critical battleground of endorsements.

Political observers agree that the support of Mayor Richard Riordan, the Los Angeles Police Protective League or Soboroff--who finished just out of contention in the first round of the election--would be must useful in lending an imprimatur of moderation to the two Democratic stalwarts.

“Those are the big names who are not already committed,” said Rich Lichtenstein, a Democratic political consultant. “What their endorsement could do, for example, is make it safer and easier for someone who is more moderate than liberal and likely lives on the Westside or in the Valley to support Antonio.”

Others considered helpful in that regard are U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), county Supervisor Zev Yaroslavsky and Wachs, a political independent and the fourth-place finisher this month.

Hahn won the latest skirmish in the endorsement war Tuesday when he secured the backing of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn. The conservative group, which seeks to rein in government spending and limit taxation, said Hahn has become the clear choice for mayor now that its earlier favorite, Wachs, is out of the race.

Villaraigosa may have the most to gain from the endorsements of moderates and conservatives. The former Assembly speaker receives some of his strongest support from liberals and union members. His history--leader of the local chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union and a labor organizer--has already exposed him to charges from the Hahn camp that he is an ideologue of the left.

Hahn’s four terms as the city’s chief prosecutor, in contrast, give him a readier appeal to more centrist and law enforcement-minded voters.

Villaraigosa’s first-place finish with nearly 30.5% of the April 10 vote puts him closer to the total of 50% plus one vote that he will need to prevail in June. And a Times election day exit poll found that he was the second choice of 19% of those who voted for one of the four major also-rans. If those voters follow through on their earlier intentions, the former legislator already would be poised at a near majority.

But those preferences are two weeks old. And the number of voters typically expands for a runoff, perhaps thrusting as many as 150,000 new votes into the June election equation.

Hahn captured 25% of the vote. He has further to go to reach a majority, but he is generally perceived as standing closer to the many conservative and San Fernando Valley voters who previously went to Soboroff and Wachs.

With both candidates convinced that the election will be decided by a narrow margin, they have been vigorously pursuing the backing of the police union.

Hahn and Villaraigosa met separately last weekend with the union leadership to discuss their records and their plans for the Los Angeles Police Department.

Union leaders said the closed-door sessions left them thinking that their critical role in the election had already helped them win important commitments from both men. According to those present at the meetings at union headquarters near downtown, both candidates promised to alter work schedules so some officers can work four 10-hour days instead of the current five eight-hour shifts; to subject Chief Bernard C. Parks to an exacting review and end his tenure after one term if he is not performing adequately; and to consider appointing members to the Police Commission who are viewed as either moderate or conservative.

But the two candidates also faced tough questions about their own records.

Officers wanted to know why Villaraigosa wrote a letter in 1996 on behalf of a convicted cocaine trafficker, Carlos Vignali, whose sentence was later commuted by President Clinton.

Villaraigosa reiterated his previous explanation that he made a mistake, going with his emotions in support of a son whose father had been a friend and campaign contributor.

“The explanation seemed to satisfy most people in the room,” said one league board member. But he added that “a lot of coppers are going to be weighing that Vignali issue heavily in their minds” when they decide whom to support for mayor.

The most pointed questions for Hahn came from officers who say his office has been too willing to settle lawsuits rather than defend police accused of wrongdoing. Officers have said they believe some cases are settled even when the officers have done nothing wrong.

Hahn told the officers that his office sometimes settles cases in favor of plaintiffs to avoid greater liability, not because he necessarily thinks police have done wrong. That response also drew mixed reviews--with some officers saying they would give Hahn the benefit of the doubt and others insisting that he should have done more.

Despite last weekend’s prolonged talks, members of the union’s executive board said they have been unable to agree on a candidate. The nine-member board is scheduled to meet again this afternoon to try to come to a consensus. By week’s end, ballots are likely to be sent to the 8,300 members of the union to let them decide which man they want to support as the next mayor--with or without a recommendation from the board.

“We are really struggling with this,” said one board member, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

At least as many crosscurrents figure into Riordan’s decision about endorsing a successor. The mayor invested considerable time and money in trying to get Soboroff into the runoff.

Some of those close to Riordan say his personality makes it unlikely that he will sit on the sidelines for the runoff. Riordan has expressed doubt as to whether either man is qualified to be mayor, and he has been openly contemptuous of Hahn, once calling the city attorney the weakest candidate in the field.

Riordan huddled with his top staff members a few days after Soboroff’s loss. Most of them advised that Hahn would be more likely to continue the mayor’s moderate agenda. One or two staffers disagreed, suggesting that picking Villaraigosa would be bolder and give Riordan’s choice more impact.

Also potentially influencing the mayor’s decision are the views of powerful backers of Villaraigosa and Hahn.

Billionaire businessman Eli Broad has recommended Villaraigosa to his friend Riordan. Broad has assured the mayor that he and other prominent businesspeople will offer advice to a Villaraigosa administration and assure it a centrist cast, said a source familiar with the conversation between the mayor and Broad.

Hahn also has a prominent Riordan associate in his camp, campaign chairman Bill Wardlaw. The powerful lawyer was the first to encourage Riordan to run for the office and became the mayor’s closest confidant. But Wardlaw alienated Riordan when he decided to back Hahn rather than Soboroff.

The rift between Riordan and Wardlaw has variously been described as widening or narrowing--making it uncertain whether the city attorney is helped or harmed by his close association with Wardlaw, who is widely viewed as one of the city’s most important behind-the-scenes power brokers.

So far, the normally garrulous Riordan has not tipped his hand. And he may not for several weeks. Similar layers of intrigue surround Soboroff’s endorsement.

Cutting against ideological expectations, Soboroff and Villaraigosa seemed to bond during dozens of debates leading up to the April vote. In contrast, Soboroff attacked Hahn as a symbol of the status quo.

“Now I get a chance to sit down and ask the hard questions of the candidates myself,” Soboroff said. “Both of them have to move more toward people who didn’t vote for them and who historically they would think are dead set against them.”